French property of Russian official Sergey Prikhodko’s daughter

Prikhodko-Extrait-Kbis

Property at the Alps ski resort Megève, belonging to Svetlana Prikhodko and her husband Ivan Sadchikov.

Since January 2020, Sergey Prikhodko is advisor to Russian prime minister Mikhail Mishustin.   From 2013 to 2018 he was Deputy Prime Minister of Russia in Dmitry Medvedev’s Cabinet, from 2018 to 2020 he was First Deputy Head of the Russian Government Office.

Prikhodko was also president of managing board of Tactical Missiles Corporation JSC, suspected by Novaya gazeta of embezzlement of funds via a shell company co-owned by Prikhodko’s son in law Ivan Sadchikov.

In February 2018 Alexei Navalny published a video alleging that Prikhodko had been receiving various bribes from Oleg Deripaska – oligarch suspected of ties with Izmaylovskaya gang. Alleged bribes included prostitutes services on a luxury boat where both Deripaska and Prikhodko discussed interference in US 2016 election. Prikhodko called Deripaska his “friend” and accused Navalny of mixing facts.

Angolagate – appeal decision, 2011

Angola gate appeal decision 2011

he Angolagate is the name given to a vast affair of arms and war material sales between France and Angola by President Dos Santos in the years 1993-1998, during the civil war in Angola (1975-2002) and linked to that money laundering from arms trafficking.  The amount of these sales is estimated at some $ 790 million.

The first instance sentence for the “Angolagate affair” was handed down on October 27, 2009 in Paris. Charles Pasqua and Jean-Charles Marchiani were found guilty of taking money from Arkady Gaydamak and Falcone while knowing it was proceeds of crime, from the Slovak company ZTS Osos, having accounts at the Russian Bank Rossiyski Credit and COMMERCIAL BANK MOSKVA and others. Gaydamak claimed that the main shareholder of the Slovak company ZTS Osos, which he headed, was Russian arms exporter Spetsvneshtekhnika.

“According to Mr. CURIAL, Mr. FALCONE had explained that it was a Slovak company linked to the KGB, a service to which Mr. GAYDAMAK had been a member (page 178 of the sentence).”

Gaydamak, alias Bar Lev ARYE (his Israeli ID) and Falcone were found guilty of illegal arms deals, tax fraud, money laundering, embezzlement and others, sentenced to six years in prison and fines. Gaydamak was sentenced in absentia. Falcone, who tried and failed to claim diplomatic immunity in the case, was taken into custody by police. Jean-Christophe Mitterrand was found guilty of receiving $2 million from Falcone and Gaydamak to promote their interests, and sentenced to a two-year suspended sentence and a €375,000 fine. In total, thirty six individuals were convicted of various levels of involvement in the scandal,21 of them appealed the decision.

Gaydamak also claimed that he had a diplomatic immunity as an Ambassador of Angola to UNESCO  (the court refused to consider a Gaydamak’s diplomatic immunity in France).

The present Paris Court of Appeal’s decision was given on April 29, 2011. Gaydamak’s sentence was reduced to three years of prison and €375,000 fine for tax evasion and  laundering of money of “serious criminal origin” (p.73 of the document). The appeal decision confirmed the international arrest warrant for Gaydamak (ibid). The appeal court cleared the majority of defendants, including Gaydamak, for proper arms trafficking, accepting their claims that they acted on behalf of Angola’s government.

See more about the appeal decision (in French) and its criticism: the appeal trial was preceded by a singular episode. Five weeks before the opening of the hearing on this diplomatically and economically sensitive subject – Angola is one of the largest oil producers in Africa – President Christian Pers was surprised to learn of his sudden promotion to the Court of Cassation and its immediate replacement. Before that, Mr. Pers had made two unwelcome decisions by refusing to grant the defendant, partner of Gaydamak Pierre Falcone’s requests for release.

During the trial was said that to be involved in legal oil businesses in Angola via Glencore. (See also, Glencore’s involvement in Nordex with Grigory Luchanski, p.92).

Gaydamak said to Russian press that the case is of ” pure politics”.  In the same interview, Gaydamak said he helped Lev Leviev alias Levaev to set up diamonds trading with Angola, having a company Africa Israel together with Levaev. In 2012, Gaydamak sued Leviev in London over unpaid commission for diamond businesses and lost the suite.

In 2018 brother and son of Levaev were reportedly arrested in Israel in the case of diamonds smuggling.  (See also mentions of Levaev in a Gennady Petrov’s conversation from Tambovskaya gang case and an Austrian Prosecution’s document on Leviev’s link to Mikhail Chernoy from Izmaylovskaya gang).

Taiwanchik (Alimzhan Toktakhunov) claimed in an interview that Gaydamak was his friend. Gaydamak resides in Moscow.

In 1972, Gaydamak emigrated to Israel and than to France from USSR on the so-called Jewish exit visa. See more on this type of emigration and suspicion of cooperation with KGB of the new immigrants also involved in organized crime, raised by Swiss Intelligence (2007) and an FBI report (90ths).

Angolagate’s 2009 sentence, France

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The Angolagate is the name given to a vast affair of arms and war material sales between France and Angola by President Dos Santos in the years 1993-1998, during the civil war in Angola (1975-2002) and linked to that money laundering from arms trafficking.  The amount of these sales is estimated at some $ 790 million.

The sentence for the “Angolagate affair” was handed down on October 27, 2009. Charles Pasqua and Jean-Charles Marchiani were found guilty of taking money from Arkady Gaydamak and Falcone while knowing it was proceeds of crime, from the Slovak company ZTS Osos, having acounts at the Russian Bank Rossiyski Credit and COMMERCIAL BANK MOSKVA. Gaydamak claimed that the main shareholder of the Slovak company ZTS Osos, which he headed, was Russian arms exporter Spetsvneshtekhnika.

“According to Mr. CURIAL, Mr. FALCONE had explained that it was a Slovak company linked to the KGB, a service to which Mr. GAYDAMAK had been a member (page 178 of the sentence).”

Gaydamak, alias Bar Lev ARYE (his Israeli ID) and Falcone were found guilty of illegal arms deals, tax fraud, money laundering, embezzlement and others, sentenced to six years in prison and multi-million-euro fines each. Gaydamak was sentenced in absentia. Falcone, who tried and failed to claim diplomatic immunity in the case, was taken into custody by police. Jean-Christophe Mitterrand was found guilty of receiving $2 million from Falcone and Gaydamak to promote their interests, and sentenced to a two-year suspended sentence and a €375,000 fine. In total, thirty six individuals were convicted of various levels of involvement in the scandal,21 of them appealed the decision.

Gaydamak also claimed that he had a diplomatic immunity as an Ambassador of Angola to UNESCO  (the court refused to consider a Gaydamak’s diplomatic immunity in France).

The Paris Court of Appeal’s decision was given on April 29, 2011. Gaydamak’s sentence was reduced to three years of prison and €375,000 fine for tax evasion and  laundering of money of “serious criminal origin” (p.73 of the appeal decision). The appeal decision confirmed the international arrest warrant for Gaydamak (ibid). The appeal court cleared the majority of defendants, including Gaydamak, for proper arms trafficking, accepting their claims that they acted on behalf of Angola’s government.

See more about the appeal decision (in French) and its criticism: the appeal trial was preceded by a singular episode. Five weeks before the opening of the hearing on this diplomatically and economically sensitive subject – Angola is one of the largest oil producers in Africa – President Christian Pers was surprised to learn of his sudden promotion to the Court of Cassation and its immediate replacement. Before that, Mr. Pers had made two unwelcome decisions by refusing to grant the defendant, partner of Gaydamak Pierre Falcone’s requests for release.

During the trial was said that to be involved in legal oil businesses in Angola via Glencore. (See also, Glencore’s involvement in Nordex with Grigory Luchanski, p.92).

Gaydamak said to Russian press that the case is of ” pure politics”. In the same interview, Gaydamak said he helped Lev Leviev alias Levaev to set up diamonds trading with Angola, having a company Africa Israel together with Levaev. In 2012, Gaydamak sued Leviev in London over unpaid commission for diamond businesses and lost the suite.

In 2018 brother and son of Levaev were reportedly arrested in Israel in the case of diamonds smuggling.  (See also mentions of Levaev in a Gennady Petrov’s conversation from Tambovskaya gang case and an Austrian Prosecution’s document on Leviev’s link to Mikhail Chernoy from Izmaylovskaya gang).

Taiwanchik (Alimzhan Toktakhunov) claimed in an interview that Gaydamak was his friend. Gaydamak resides in Moscow.

In 1972, Gaydamak emigrated to Israel and than to France from USSR on the so-called Jewish exit visa. See more on this type of emigration and suspicion of cooperation with KGB of the new immigrants also involved in organized crime, raised by Swiss Intelligence (2007) and an FBI report (90ths).

Timchenko’s foundation managers

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Gennady Timchenko’s family foundation in Switzerland (“Fondation Neva”). Declared goals are “to undertake any action to assist, promote, provide financial support to persons, activities, projects, events, and programs in the fields of art, culture, architecture, preservation of historic monuments, sport, health, education, the environment…”.

As of 2019, managers are Elena Timchenko (wife), Xeniia Frank (daughter), and Pavel Chinsky. Pavel Chinsky doesn’t specify his affiliation to the Foundation in his public speeches and opinions (“Sanctions will strengthen Putin’s regime“, “France is interested in Russia seriously and on a long term basis”), introducing himself only as managing director of the FrancoRussian Chamber of Commerce & Industry.

Timchenko is a billionaire, long-time shareholder of Bank “Rossiya”, co-founder of judo club,

“Yavara Neva”, and one of the leading winners of government procurement contracts in Russia with “Volga Group”.

He has been Vladimir Putin’s friend since the early 1990s. Putin recognized this only in 2011, claiming that he did not help Timchenko to build his oil empire. In 2003, Timchenko denied any relation to Putin to a Swiss newspaper, which was curious about the fortune of a newcomer in Geneva. He also said he was “almost retired” and not active in business. With $18.9 billion, he became of of the most wealthy businessmen in the whole world by 2019 (Forbes).

In the context of the investigation on the Sotrama oil company in Monaco, certain data from French intelligence on Gennady Timchenko (Timtchenko) was obtained by the Monégasque police for Sotrama’s file. It is not clear what kind of data it was.

Kirill Shamalov’s secret Monégasque company

Alta Mira1

Minutes of decisions of the single shareholder of the Monégasque SCP ALTA MIRA, unique founder of the French company, SCI Atlantic, on the transfer of shares from Gennady and Elena Timchenko to SCP ALTA MIRA, represented by Kirill Shamalov, “manager” (“gérant”), registered in Monaco.

This is a way for the Timchenkos to sell a €4.5-million villa in Biarritz, on the Atlantic coast of France, to Shamalov, previously covered in the press. At that juncture, shareholders of ALTA MIRA could not be disclosed because of Monégasque law: creation of a SCP — société civile particulière — is not announced in “Journal Officiel” (the government’s official publication) and, even upon request, their beneficiaries cannot be disclosed.

Kirill Shamalov, born in 1982, is son to member of Ozero cooperative, Nikolay Shamalov (Putin was among its founders), and shareholder of Bank Rossiya. Kirill Shamalov was reportedly married to Putin’s daughter.

 

Complaint against VINCI corporation to French prosecutors

VINCI_Plainte_version-finale

French company, Vinci, established a Joint Venture with Russia — North-West Concessions Company  (NWCC) — to build an ecologically unfriendly motorway across Khimki forest between Moscow and Sankt-Petersburg. Russian banks, Sberbank and Vneshekonombank, credited the construction, officially called a “public-private partnership”. First, one section of construction cost €300 million. This means that each kilometer cost €25.3 million (to compare, in the EU, the average cost was €4.9 million per kilometer).

According to expertise from Transparency International (2010), inexplicably, the most expensive itinerary was chosen, breaching Russian legislation protecting forest territories. A protester, ecological activist Mikhail Beketov, was beaten, became disabled, and died from consequences of the attack. The aggressors were not identified.

Banwatch (an NGO) uncovered the following beneficiaries of different offshores behind the Russian part of NWCC: Arkady Rotenberg (18%), Alexander Plekhov (4%), and Konstantin Nikolaev (alleged sponsor of Maria Butina). Plekhov is a former shareholder of Bank Rossiya, to whom Putin’s friend, Sergey Roldugin, transferred shares of Sonette Overseas, as detailed in the Panama Papers.

French NGO, Sherpa, managed to submit evidence of the “bribing of foreign officials” to French prosecutors, stating that “With high probability, with the help of intricate schemes, Vladimir Putin himself received a reward for the services provided by Arkady Rotenberg to the Vinci group.” An investigating judge has been appointed and the official investigation in France is in progress.

See full description of the case as of 2017 in the article, “Offshores next to a highway” (Russian), and in the report by the Fighting Transborder Corruption group/EU-Russia civil Society Forum (English, Russian), 2017.